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From the back flap:
"The sociology of nationalism
has recently come of age, chiefly through the endeavours of an
outstanding generation of social scientists. Some critical aspects
of nationalism, however, though an all-important modern phenomenon,
still remain unexplored. In her new book Montserrat Guibernau
tackles the difficult issue of its manifestation in stateless
nations, whose weight in the current restructuring of the political
world is all too obvious. Herself a citizen of a 'stateless' nation,
Catalonia, as well as a remarkable scholar in the field of
nationalism, the author provides us with a systematic, comparative
and extremely well-balanced study of this intricate and ambivalent
phenomenon. This book is bound to become a crucial work of reference
for all those interested in the fate and dynamics of nationalism in
the now dawning global age." Salvador
Giner, University of Barcelona
'Montserrat Guibernau has
written a clear, succinct and stimulating analysis of the politics
of stateless nations. Her book should be recommended reading for
courses in ethnicity and nationalism in Europe and should have a
wide appeal to professionals and students in the social and
political sciences.' Anthony D. Smith, London School of Economics
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Publishers Note: "Nations without states - where
there is a strong sense of national identity, but no state - are
common. They have a new importance today, when established
nationstates are changing their nature in response to
globalization. This book provides a comprehensive analysis of
Western substate nationalism by drawing on a wide range of case
studies which include Catalonia, Scotland, Wales, the Basque
Country, Northern Ireland, Quebec and Indian nations in North
America.
Drawing on a comparative framework, in which both the
nature of nationalist movements and the state containing them are
studied, the book offers a typology of the different political
scenarios in which substate nationalism emerges and develops,
ranging from cultural recognition to federation. Guibernau offers a
comparative analysis of nationalist movements in nations without
states and considers cultural resistance and political terrorism as
strategies currently employed by some of these nations to attain
their goals. The future shape of the nation-state and the conditions
for the success of alternative structures, such as those prompted by
substate nationalist movements, lie at the core of the book.
Nations without States will
be essential reading for students and professionals in sociology,
politics and international relations."
From Pages 98-100:
"...The task of intellectuals in nations without states involves the constant actualization
of the nationalist ideology to respond to the community's needs. His or her job is one of
service to society..."
"Intellectuals have the capacity to create ideologies which
can contribute to legitimizing particular regimes or social structures, but
they can also provide challenge and criticism to those regimes and
structures. When confronted with the task of intellectuals in nations
without states we need to distinguish between their role in the early stages
of the nationalist movement, and their task once the movement has attained
considerable success and possibly turned itself into one or more political
parties which may or may not rule the nation which, as a result of the
nationalist movement's action, may have achieved a certain degree of
political autonomy.
At the outset of the nationalist movement, intellectuals
study the history,
culture,
myths,
language and specific traits of the group
and construct a picture of it as a distinct community. They emphasize the
main differences between the national minority and the
culture and language
of the nation which dominates the state within which they are included.
Hence, Catalans stress their specific identity as different from a Spanish
identity primarily based upon Castilian culture. Scots emphasize their
distinctiveness when related to a British identity basically moulded
according to England's culture in the same wav that the Quebeckers distance
themselves from a Canadian identity primarily shaped by English culture and
language.
At this stage, however, the intellectuals' function is not
restricted to a re-creation of a sense of community among group members by
investigating the cultural and political history of the community. One of
the pressing matters facing them is the construction of a discourse a
critical and subversive of the current order, a
discourse which delegitimizes the state and its policies as a
threat to the existence or
development of the nation they represent. The radicality of their
statements depends upon the aims of the nationalist movement and the
treatment their community receives from the state. Seeking cultural
recognition, political autonomy or independence are likely to produce
disparate discourses concerning the state's portrayal and the definition of
its relation with the national minority. Thus, intellectuals play a double
role.
On the one hand, they act as architects of the nationalist
movement by providing cultural, historical, political and economic arguments
to sustain the distinctive character of the nation and a legitimation of its
will to decide upon its political future... The
intellectual is the creator of the common myth that guides the revolution.
The same could be said about the intellectual's position at the dawn of a
nationalist movement.
On the other hand, as we have already mentioned,
intellectuals are subversive and construct a discourse which undermines the
legitimacy of the current order of things. They denounce the nation's
present situation within the state and offer an alternative to it by
promoting the conditions and processes of conflict. In so doing they become
'creators and leaders in the production of new state structures, new
Gestalts of power and ideology'."
When the nationalist movement is still incipient, a certain
degree of altruism and love of country act as potent forces informing the
intellectuals' actions. These sentiments are bound to emerge with greater
intensity where a national minority
suffers from repression exerted by the
state. In these circumstances, backing the nationalism of the oppressed
nation often involves not only radical exclusion from the state's elite,
but
a considerable risk to one's own life.
Intellectuals are to be considered as formulators of the
nationalist ideology. Their task does not end here, however, since many of
them also act as agitators and
mobilizers of the nationalist movement. It
has to be added that not all intellectuals perform both functions. In the
case of a nation without a state of its own, its intellectuals' discourse is
opposed by the state's intellectuals, some of whom will operate within the
territory of the national minority defending the status quo, questioning its
nationalist ideology and displaying a clear 'pro-state nationalist'
attitude. It should be noted that within a democratic state, political
disagreement about its legitimacy together with the definition and aims of
the national minority's movement are at least permissible. In other
circumstances, force is employed to prevent the rise of any social movement which could potentially pose a threat to the
state's unitary structure.
Albeit that intellectuals play a vital role in the initial
stages of the nationalist movement, Smith warns us `to be careful not to
exaggerate that role in the later stages or even in the organization of more
regular nationalist movements'. This poses a serious question: can
nationalist movements once they get under way dispense with intellectuals? I
think not. Once the nationalist movement achieves power it needs to select
which parts of the history and culture of the community are to become
prominent and turned into essential elements of the national identity they
have to forge.
A large section of the nation's population may for various
reasons support the nationalist movement but they often remain divided. If
the nationalist movement is to succeed it should promote a sense of
community among the members of the nation.
To do so the dissemination of a
unified common culture and language becomes a priority and intellectuals are
likely to play a key part in this process. Furthermore, the nation is an
entity subjected to constant change and forced to respond to different
influences and pressures to constantly adapt to the new circumstances
surrounding it.
The task of intellectuals is to grasp these changes and
offer suggestions as to how the nation can better respond to them. The
absence of intellectuals in any nationalist movement is bound to affect the
strength of the movement by limiting its ability to react to social,
political and economic challenges. Any nationalist movement needs a medium
and long term programme of action which exceeds short term political
strategies. The task of intellectuals involves the constant actualization of
the nationalist ideology to respond to the community's needs. His or her job
is one of service to society..."
