|
NATIONS & NATIONALISM
Civic Nationalism & Ethno Nationalism
|
|
The Myth of the Civic State:
Hans Kohn Revisited: Civic and Ethnic States in Theory and Practice - Taras
Kuzio, Yale University April 2000 |
"..(the) division of nationalism
into ‘good Western civic’ and ‘bad Eastern ethnic’ reflects both
an intellectual arrogance and an idealisation of pure civic and
ethnic states that do not exist in practice...Contemporary Eastern nationalism looks and feels peculiar to those
in the West because of a time gap between the ethnic nationalism
that permeated the West in the early stages of its national state
formation and the ethnic nationalism found in some parts of the East
today. As Canovan says, ‘It is unfortunately the case that a nation
that is peaceful, secure and a favourite site for liberal
democratic politics now usually has a past that no liberal
democracy can comfortably look into’.. To what degree can we
historically define Western states as ‘civic’ if they disbarred
people from integration into their communities on grounds of gender,
race or ethnicity, all of which occurred prior to the twentieth
century. Using Kymlicka’s definition Kohn’s five states could not be
defined as ‘civic’..."
|
|
Ethnic or Civic Nation?:
Theorising the American Case - Eric Kaufmann
|
"...The United States has often been viewed by ethnicity and nationalism
scholars as the quintessential civic nation historically defined by its
commitment to eighteenth century liberal ideology. This paper takes issue
with such a perspective. Instead, the United States, for nearly its entire
existence, is shown to be an ethnic nation characterized by non-conformist
Protestantism and pre-Norman, Anglo-Saxon genealogy. This self-styled
'American' ethnie sought to reshape the nation in its own image and saw its
destiny in Puritan, millennial terms. Faced with large flows of non-British
immigrants, the 'Americans' employed techniques of Anglo-conformity in an
attempt to transform the newcomers into 'WASP's. When this process was
viewed as inadequate, movements of cultural nationalism and immigration
restriction developed which resulted in the institution of a set of
boundary-defending practices that began in the 1920's and continued into the
1960's. Developments in the 'West' have since ushered in the era of liberal
civic nationhood in which the U.S. has participated. In this manner,
America's shift from ethnic to civic nationalism is not exceptional, but
instead reflects a broader value shift in Western culture..."
|
|
The Myth
of Civic Nationalism - Bernard Yack, July 2000 |
"...So-called civic nations like France, Canada, and the United
States may have become relatively open societies that offer
citizenship rights to all peoples, but they did not start out
that way. In each case, they began with restricted core
communities -- be they white or Catholic or British or European
-- and expanded outward. As a result, when we urge nationalists,
say in Bosnia or Kosovo, to follow our example and found nations
solely on the basis of shared political principles, we are in
fact urging them to do something that we never did ourselves..."
|
|
Nationalism and the
Case of Distorted Liberalism - Ofer Castro Cassif |
"...Contemporary scholars of nationalism often claim that
nationalism is a protean doctrine, as distinct nationalisms
define their relevant nations as such by employing different
criteria: in some cases the nation is defined as a linguistic
group, sometimes as a cultural body, a race, a collective with
common history and so forth. However, it seems that the common
denominator of all nationalisms, and therefore the nature of
nationalism in general, applies to their conception of the
nation as a sort of extended family...by ‘nationalism’ I do not
refer to theories of nationalism but to actual nationalist
movements and thinkers. ... I believe, there
is a big gap between ‘real-world’ nationalism and the understanding of
nationalism
by ‘academics sympathetic to it’.
|
|
Anthony D: Smith
in a lecture at the University of Copenhagen, Amager,
May 2004
|
"... When is a nation?
Nationalists traditionally argue that (their) nations are timeless
phenomena that have existed since time immemorial. Theoretical
approaches to the phenomenon of nationalism could be divided into perennialist, modernist and ethno-symbolic. Perennialists argue that
nations have existed for a very long time, though they take
different shapes at different points in history. The dominant
perspective on nationalism in history and the social sciences is,
however, the modernist one, which treats nations as modern
constructs, the products of the new conditions that have changed the
world since the Enlightenment and the French and American
revolutions. But modernist views are as theoretically problematic
and historically questionable as the perennialist perspective, which
they supplanted. An alternative
‘ethno-symbolic’ approach reveals the various forms of the nation in
history, and seeks to supplement the rather linear historical
question, ‘when is the nation?’ with the more recurrent and
sociological problem of ‘when is a nation?’.
The latter question invites us to delineate different starting
points and patterns of nation-formation in terms of ideal-type
constructs, while an emphasis on the role of ethnic myths, memories,
symbols and traditions helps us to explore the processes and routes
by which nations are formed in different epochs and continents."
|
|
False Opposites in Nationalism: An
Examination of the Dichotomy of Civic Nationalism and Ethnic Nationalism in
Modern Europe - Margareta Mary Nikolas, 1999 |
"This study is an examination of the exercise of
nationalism as the assertion and/or reassertion of the mutual
(political) sovereignty of a community in the form of a
nation-state. My thesis aims to explore two theoretically
different routes and forms of exercise of nationalism focusing
specifically on modern Europe. These two routes are civic
nationalism and ethnic nationalism. This classical dichotomy, I
agree, is a misleading division for though the two are
theoretically separate, in practice they are collaborators in
the journey towards nationhood and in the pursuit of the
establishment of a nation-state.For
nationalism to be successful it must involve an interplay of the
principles of both civic nationalism and ethnic nationalism,
rather than these components acting as mutually exclusive
concepts. The nature of this interplay will be examined
throughout the thesis and the collaboration will be explored via
the two competing perspectives: that held by the modernists and
that proposed by the ethnicists, both operating within the
framework of modernity. The key distinction between the two is
their focus and the point at which they identify a group
imagining themselves as a community and society. Their
respective cases will be critically examined with respect to
those elements that determine that an interplay occurs....
No exercise of nationalism is the same, but
they are all an exercise of the one phenomenon. Nationalism is
an interplay of civic nationalism and ethnic nationalism and all
their characteristics. The civic and the ethnic demonstrate two
broad categories of concentration, but neither is exclusive.
They are analytically different, but each nation, or group of
people that consider themselves a nation and practise
nationalism, carry elements of both. Just as the ethnicist and
modernist theories are not complete on their own, so too their
correlated ideals of the ethnic and the civic are not complete
either. Neither is sufficient on its own to forge a nation. A
civic nationalism must crystallise the ethnic components of its
members in order to provide vigour and appeal to the
nationalism, and thus be able to succeed onwards towards the
establishment and perpetuation of nationhood. Likewise, ethnic
nationalism must institutionalise to realise its goals.
Ethnicity transmitted by culture carries with it the tools and
in some cases the foundations of new nations they do not work on
their own however and are not the root of the nationalism.
Nationalism is a modern phenomenon that should not exclude the
persistence of ethnicity as a popular motivation that fuels
it..."
|
|
Two Perspectives
on the Relationship of Ethnicity to Nationalism: Comparing Gellner and Smith
- Huseyin Iskisal , 2002 |
"...the first modern states, namely Britain and France, (had)
been founded around a dominant ethnie. Thus, because Britain and
France were the dominant colonialist powers, they influenced their colonies as well as other communities with their
Anglo-French state-nation model. ...historical priority of the Anglo-French
state-nation model
presented a basic model for the rest of the world how a national society and
national state should be formed and sustained..."
|
|
Difference without Dichotomy: An Examination
of Nationalism in Ireland and Quebec, since 1780 - Catherine Frost, McMaster
University 30 May 2003
|
"A review of nationalist thinking in Ireland and Quebec over
the past two
hundred years reveals two contrasting formulations of the nationalist
argument associated with distinct historical periods. One formulation
(prominent from the late eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth century) focused on
securing “good government” through knowledgeable governors with a stake in
the affairs of a given population. The other (prominent from the mid-nineteenth
to the mid-twentieth century) focused on defining and upholding a “national
character” that would distinguish and sustain this population. This paper
argues that despite their initial similarity to civic/ethnic or
political/cultural
dichotomies of nationalism, these two formulations are in fact closely related;
that they share a common concern with representation; and that the second
formulation grew out of the first as the national concept was put into practice.
Rather than a dichotomy of nationalism, then, this evolution suggests a
thesis/antithesis relationship and raises the possibility of an eventual
synthesis
in nationalism."
|
|
Dravidian Movement in Tamil Nadu:
The Views of Marguerite Ross Barnett - Sachi Sri Kantha, 2007 |
"...Having postulated a conflict between ‘primordial’ and
‘civil’ sentiments it is an easy step for politicians and social scientists
to argue for the substitution of one (civil ties) for the other (primordial
ties)...
But is one form of nationalism traditional and the
other modern? .. What are the distinguishing characteristics of the two
nationalisms? Why does one nationalism, with its attendant locus of political
identity develop and not the other? What is the relevant level of analysis of
these two nationalisms? In the process of modernization will territorial
nationalism inevitably replace cultural nationalism? If modernity and cultural
nationalism are defined as in opposition to each other how do we understand the
resurgence of cultural nationalism (and the definition of cultural variables as
the relevant determinants of political identity) in many post-industrial
societies?.."
|